SIMON MAGUS AND MARCION
TABLE
OF CONTENTS
ABBREVIATIONS
CHAPTER
ONE. INTRODUCTION
I.
THESIS
STATEMENT
II.
HISTORY
OF RESEARCH
III.
METHODOLOGY
IV.
SIGNIFICANCE
TWO. SIMON MAGUS
I. INTRODUCTION
II. SIMON’S
BIOGRAPHY
A. Simon’s Origin
B. Simon’s Education
C. The Sect of John the Baptist
D. Simon’s Journeys and Activities
E. Simon in Rome
F. Simon’s Death
III. SIMON MAGUS
IN EARLY WRITINGS
A. Simon in the Acts of the Apostles 8:4-25
1.
Philip and Simon (Acts 8:4-13)
2.
Peter and Simon (Acts 8:14-25)
B. Simon in the Church Fathers
1.
Simon in Justin Martyr
2.
Simon in Irenaeus
3.
Simon in Clement of Alexandria
4.
Simon in Tertullian
5.
Simon in Hippolytus
6.
Simon in Origen
7.
Simon in Eusebius
8.
Simon in Epiphanius
C. Simon in the Pseudo-Clementines
1.
Simon in the Homilies
2.
Simon in the Recognitions
D. Simon in the New Testament Apocrypha
1.
The Acts of Peter
2.
The Acts of Peter and Paul
3.
The Acts of Paul
4.
The Apostolic Constitutions
5.
The Didascalia Apostolorum
6.
The Epistula Apostolorum
7.
The Legenda Aurea
E. Simon in Josephus’ Antiquities of the Jews
IV. CONFRONTATION
BETWEEN SIMON MAGUS AND PETER
A. The Acts of the Apostles
B. The Pseudo-Clementines
1.
The Homilies
2.
The Recognitions
C. The New Testament Apocrypha
1.
The Acts of Peter
2.
The Acts of Peter and Paul
3.
The Apostolic Constitutions
4.
The Teaching of Simon Cephas in the City of Rome
V. FROM SIMON TO
SIMONIAN GNOSTICISM
A. The Theological Aspects of Simonian
Gnosticism
1. The Origin of Simonian Gnosticism
2.
The Evolution of the Simon Legend
3.
The Simonian Use of Myths
4.
Simon’s Apophasis Megal_
5.
The Theology of Simonianism
B. Is Simon a Gnostic?
C. Successors of Simon Magus
1.
Menander
2.
Saturninus
3.
Basilides
4.
Carpocrates
5.
Valentinus
6.
Cerdo
VI. CONCLUSION
THREE. MARCION
I. INTRODUCTION
II. MARCION’S
BIOGRAPHY
A. Date and Place of Marcion’s Birth
B. Marcion’s Activities in Asia Minor
C. Marcion’s Arrival at Rome and Activities
D. Marcion’s Death
III. MARCION IN
EARLY WRITINGS
A. Marcion in Polycarp
B. Marcion in Justin Martyr
C. Marcion in Irenaeus
D. Marcion in Clement of Alexandria
E. Marcion in Tertullian
F. Marcion in Hippolytus
G. Marcion in Origen
H. Marcion in Eusebius
I. Marcion in Epiphanius
IV. MARCION’S
CANON
A. Marcion’s Motive of Reconstruction of the
True Gospel
B. The Gospel of Luke
C. Marcion’s Pauline Corpus
1.
The Composition of the Apostle Section
2.
Marcion’s Texts
D. The Orthodox Reaction
1. The Orthodox Church Leaders’ Dilemma
2.
The Formation of the Christian New Testament Canon
3.
The Emergence of the Book of Acts and Pastoral Epistles
4.
Other Influences of Marcionism on the Orthodox Church
V. FROM MARCION
TO MARCIONISM
A. The Theological Aspects of Marcionism
1.
Dualism
2.
Docetism
3.
Asceticism
4.
Mythology and Cosmology
B. Is Marcion a Gnostic?
C. Marcion’s Church
D. Marcion’s Successors
1.
Lucian
2.
Apelles
3.
Megethius
4.
Prepon
5.
Tatian and the Encratites
E. Later Development of Marcionism
VI. CONCLUSION
FOUR. SIMON MAGUS AND MARCION: TWO FIGURES
OF PAUL
I.
INTRODUCTION
II. THE ANTI-PAULINE
EVIDENCES IN EARLY CHRISTIANITY
A. Anti-Simonian/Anti-Marcionite and
Anti-Pauline Evidences
1.
The Ebionites and Their Gospels
2.
The Source Documents of the Pseudo-Clementines
3.
The Basic Document of the Pseudo-Clementines
4.
The Pseudo-Clementines
5.
Some Other Anti-Pauline Evidences
B. Anti-Simonian/Anti-Marcionite but not
Anti-Pauline Evidences
1.
Polycarp’s Letter to the Philippians
2.
The Acts of Peter
3.
The Acts of Peter and Paul
4.
The Acts of Paul
5.
The Apostolic Constitutions
III. SIMON MAGUS
AND PAUL
A. Important Issues that Tie Simon Magus and
Paul
1.
Buying Motif
2.
Laying On-Of-Hands
3.
Confrontation of the Main Body of the Church
4.
John the Baptist versus the Herodian Family in Josephus
B. Attacks on Paul Under the Guise of Simon
Magus
IV. MARCION AND
PAUL
A. Important Issues that Tie Marcion and Paul
1.
Dualism
2. Docetism
3.
False Apostle(s) Controversy
4.
Confrontation with the Main Body of the Church
B. Attacks on Paul Under the Guise of Marcion
V.
SIMON
MAGUS AND MARCION
A. Heresiologists’ Attempts to Tie Simon Magus
and Marcion
1.
Marcion as a Simon’s Follower via a Certain Cerdo
2.
Both Simon and Marcion as Imitators of Empedocles
3.
Both Simon and Marcion as Radical Paulinists
B. Simon/Simonians and Marcion/Marcionites
1.
Simon and Apelles
2.
Marcion and Saturninus
3.
Marcion and the Simonians
4.
Valentinus and the Simonians
VI. CONCLUSION
FIVE. CONCLUSION
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ABBREVIATIONS
Books
Church Fathers:
Polycarp
PolyPhil Polycarp’s
Letter to the Philippians
Justin Martyr
1
Apol First Apology
2 Apol Second
Apology
Irenaeus
AH Adversus
Haereses (=Against the Heresies)
Clement of Alexandria
Strom Stromateis(=Miscellaneous)
Tertullian
AM Adversus
Marcionem (=Against Marcion)
De Carne De Carne Christi(=On the Flesh of Christ)
De Praes De Praescriptione Haereticorum(=On Prescription against
Heretics)
Pseudo-Tertullian
Haer Adversus omnes Haereses (=Against
all Heresies)
Hippolytus
Ref Refutatio (=Refutation of All
Heresies) or Philosophumena
Origen
De Prin De
Principiis (=On First Principles)
Eusebius
EH Ecclesiastical
History (or Church History)
Epiphanius
Pan Panarion
New Testament
Apocrypha:
AAn Acts
of Andrew
AP Acts of Paul
APt Acts
of Peter
APtP Acts
of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul
AC Apostolic
Constitutions
DA Didascalia
Apostolorum (=Teaching of the Apostles)
EA Epistula
Apostolorum (Epistle of the Apostles)
MPt Martyrdom of the Holy Apostle
Peter
Pseudo-Clementine
Literature and Related Documents:
AJ Anabathmoi
Iakobou (=Αvαβαθμoι Iακωβoυ: Ascents
of James)
Cont Contestatio (or Adjuration)
EpCl Epistula Clementis(=Epistle of
Clement to Jamaes)
EpPt Epistula Petri(=Epistle of Peter
to James)
G Grundschrift
(=Basic Writing)
H Homilies
KerygmataPt Kerygmata Petrou(=Κηρύγματα Πέτρoυ: Preachings of Peter)
PeriodoiPt Periodoi Petrou(=Περίoδoι Πέτρoυ: Journeys or Travels
or Circuits or Peregrinations of Peter)
PraxeisPt Praxeis Petrou(=Πράξεις Πέτρoυ: Ebionite Acts of
Peter)
R Recognitions
Journals
AJT American
Journal of Theology
ATR Anglical
Theological Review
CBQ Catholic Biblical
Quarterly
CH Church
History
ET Expository Times
HThR Harvard
Theological Review
JBL Journal
of Biblical Literature
JBR Journal
of Bible and Religion
JHC Journal
of Higher Criticism
JTS Journal of
Theological Studies
NHS Nag
Hammadi Studies (Leiden, 1971-)
NT Novum
Testamentum
NTS New
Testament Studies
RB Revue
Biblique
RBn Revue Bénédictine
RHE Revue
d’histoire ecclésiastique
RHR Revue
de l’Histoire des Religions
RSR Religious
Studies Review
SC Second
Century
TR Theologische
Rundschau
VigChr Vigiliae Christianae
ZNW Zeitschrift
für die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
ZRG Zeitschrift
für Religions und Geistesgeschichte
ZThK Zeitschrift für
Theologie und Kirche
CHAPTER
ONE
INTRODUCTION
I.
THESIS STATEMENT
In this book I investigate the
relationship among three fascinating figures in early Christianity: Paul, Simon
Magus, and Marcion. Simon Magus, a contemporary of Paul, and Marcion, who was
active in the first half of the second century, were the targets of attacks by
heresiologists such as Justin, Irenaeus, and Tertullian and some Jewish
Christian groups who lived in the second half of the second century and
thereafter. Or, rather, Paul was deliberately attacked under the names of Simon
Magus and Marcion. Why and in what
capacity did Paul’s opponents use the names of Simon and Marcion to attack him?
In Acts 8:9-24 Simon appears as a
magician who desired the great power of the Holy Spirit. He followed Philip and
later Peter and John for that purpose. Around 150 C.E. Justin observed that the
Simonians in Rome worshiped Simon and his companion Helen as Zeus (the first
god) and Athena (the first thought) or Korê (the Holy Spirit) (1 Apol
26). For Justin, this type of thinking,
also referred to as Simonianism, seemed to be outside Christianity.
Later, Irenaeus brought this
non-Christian Simonianism into Christian conversation to degrade it as a
secondary practice within Christianity.
Irenaeus implicitly linked Simon with Paul by stating: “... But he (=Simon) believed still less in
God and greedily intended to rival the apostles so that he might appear famous.
...” (Adversus Haereses [AH hereafter] 1.23.1).[1] More explicitly, he connected Paul’s doctrine
of ‘salvation by grace of Jesus Christ’ (cf. Eph. 2:8-9) with the Simonian
doctrine of ‘salvation by grace of Simon Magus.’[2]
The Pseudo-Clementines mainly portrayed
Simon Magus as “an enemy” who resembled Paul. To this group of Christians, Paul had never been a friend. Before his conversion, Paul, as “Saul,”
almost killed James, the brother of Jesus, on the top of the Temple. After his conversion, Paul, as “Simon,”
exposed his arrogance. He attempted to
challenge the Jerusalem authority with his magical power, his dreams and
visions, and his “false” apostleship. To
those who belonged to this Pseudo-Clementine circle, Paul’s claim of
apostleship was “simony.” As Simon Magus
wanted to buy the power of imparting the Holy Spirit (as well as the gift of
healing) with his money, so did Paul the authority of apostleship. As Peter rebuked Simon in Acts 8:20-21, so
did he also rebuke Paul-like Simon in the Pseudo-Clementines. Yet, as Simon,
without repenting to God, greedily intended to rival the apostles so that he
might appear famous (cf. AH 1.23.1), so did Paul also boldly
rival the apostles (cf. Gal. 2:6-8) so that he might become “the apostle of the
Gentiles and heretics” including Marcion. Furthermore, Simon in the
Pseudo-Clementines, like Marcion, claims that there is, in addition to the
creator of the world, another God who is “incomprehensible and unknown,”
“unrevealed,” “the highest Father,” “the Father of Jesus.”
Marcion, a shipowner from Pontus, regarded himself as a disciple of Paul. He propagated two gods--the just (or
righteous) Creator of the world and the good (or benevolent) Father of Jesus
Christ. He was the first person who
formed a Christian New Testament canon which consisted of the Gospel of Luke
and ten epistles of Paul. From the
middle of the second century, the Marcionite church had been an enormous threat
to the “orthodox” Roman church. As many
believers were attracted to the doctrines and teachings of Marcion and his
disciples and joined them, the Marcionite Christians, according to some
scholars, allegedly outnumbered the Roman “orthodox” Christians for some
time.
Heresiologists attempted to link Marcion
with Simon via Cerdo, a Syriac Gnostic. As Justin connected Marcion with Simon in a certain way by placing his
name, along with Menander, in the same section where Simon’s name appears (1
Apol 26), so did Irenaeus connect him with Simon in his AH
1.27.4: “... We have necessarily made
mention of him (=Marcion) at present that you might know that all those who in
any adulterate the truth and do injury to the preaching of the Church are the
disciples and successors of Simon, the magician of Samaria. For although they do not acknowledge the name
of their teacher in order to mislead others, yet it is his doctrine they teach.
...”[3] Irenaeus further states: “Cerdo(n), too, Marcion’s predecessor,
himself arrived (at Rome) in the time of Hyginus, who was the ninth bishop. ...
Marcion, then, succeeding him, flourished under Anicetus, who held the tenth
place of the episcopate. ...”[4]
Was Marcion a disciple of Simon Magus via Cerdo as Irenaeus claimed? Did he not
acknowledge his teacher’s name to mislead people? Did he claim Paul as his only
apostle (and teacher) because Paul was really Simon in disguise as the
Pseudo-Clementines implicitly claimed (and as H. Detering also argues)? Did Marcion really come to Rome for his
doctrines and teachings to be recognized by the Roman church? My study will
attempt to answer these questions.
Why did some heresiologists, the
Pseudo-Clementine circle, and the Ebionites vehemently attack Paul using Simon
and Marcion even after Paul was claimed to be an “orthodox” apostle? The Pseudo-Clementine circle of Christians
were probably extreme Petrine Christians who were still not pleased with Paul’s
“claimed” apostleship and his epistles which more than any others were being
adopted as the books in the Canon. In
competing with Christians of the Pauline school, they, as Petrine school
Christians, wanted to maintain or to regain their hegemony. They tried to degrade Paul by equating him
with Simon. They also wanted to degrade Marcion, the ardent follower of Paul,
by connecting him with Simon Magus, the father of all heretics.
II.
HISTORY OF RESEARCH
With the exception of the study of H.
Detering no modern study has been undertaken
regarding the complicated relationship between Paul, Simon Magus, and
Marcion. In most cases, Simon Magus and
Marcion have been studied separately.
Concerning whether Simon Magus was a
Gnostic, E. Haenchen asserts that he was a full-fledged Gnostic even before he
came into contact with Christianity.[5] G. Lüdemann also claims that “the Gnostic
system of the Simonians that must be assumed for the middle of the second
century seems to have been presupposed already in Acts 8.”[6] But G. Filoramo argues that Acts itself does
not tell anything of possible Gnostic aspects of Simon’s teaching.[7] That is, Luke’s use of epinoia (ἐπίvoια,
the intent in v. 22) is not the attribution to Simon whom Philip and Peter
encountered in the 30s but his observation of the second century Simonians’
Gnostic Simon. If Acts was not written
in the middle (or early second half) of the first century, the author’s
knowledge of the “Gnostic Simon” tradition would not be surprising. K.
Beyschlag asserts that the Simonian Gnosticism only appeared much later, in the
second century, and ought to be understood as a branch of Christian Gnosticism,
not as a primary stage earlier than Christian Gnosticism, which had prepared
for it.[8]
He clearly explains that the historical Simon, who was not a Gnostic, may have
been “gnosticized” later on.
Reading Irenaeus’AH, R. M.
Grant cautiously claims that “the Simonians actually were radical Paulinists,
at least in some measure, and that at a later point the Ebionites recognized
this fact and attacked Paul through Simon.”[9] He argues that Simon’s followers mentioned by
Irenaeus evidently borrowed the expression from Ephesians (2:8-9) and thus they
apparently had “some collection of Pauline letters and perhaps Gospels as
well.”[10] If this were the case, there might be little
distinction between the Simonians and the Marcionites in the middle of the
second century.
R. Eisenman suggests that Luke and other
second century Christian writers would probably borrow the name Simon from
Josephus’ Antiquities which was written around 95 C.E. to connect him
with the existing mythical traditions. He points out that it may be probable that Peter visited Caesarea not to
convert Cornelius and his family (Acts 10) but to confront Simon Magus (or
Paul) to debate the issue of fornication (unlawful marriage of Felix with
Drusilla).[11]
In the modern history of research Adolf
von Harnack was the first person to undertake serious study on Marcion,
attributing to him an equality with Augustine and Luther. He stresses Marcion’s originality in
assessing Paul and rejects any connection of Marcion with Gnosticism. But some recent scholars criticize that
Harnack’s enthusiasm for Marcion also has misled people in understanding
Marcion and Marcionism. He tried to make
the Marcion story plausible within the framework of historicity of the anti-Marcionite
apostolic fathers’ witnesses although a great portion of them were legendary,
i.e., “unhistorical,” using his imaginative reconstruction about the parts that
were not mentioned by the fathers. Thus,
he could not escape from exposing some “historical” conflicts on Marcion’s
activities in Asia Minor and Rome and
the beginning of the Marcionite church
in his restored story of Marcion when he put all pieces together on one
plate (of the picture puzzle).
Most modern scholars who have studied
Marcion simply follow Harnack’s dating and claim that Marcion came to Rome
around 140 C.E. and became a disciple of Cerdo, and was then expelled from the
Roman church precisely in 144. But, as
R. J. Hoffmann points out, Marcion’s coming to Rome for recognition from the
Roman church is legendary and thus
questionable. If Hoffmann’s early dating
of Marcion’s birth around 70 C.E. or earlier is correct, it would be very
probable for him to have been well known in Asia Minor by 130 or earlier.[12] As Marcion’s doctrines and churches flourished
in Asia Minor and in other regions by 140, he did not need Cerdo as his
teacher. From the silence of Marcion’s
contemporaries (Polycarp, Justin Martyr) and the inconsistent and vague
testimonies by the later fathers (Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Epiphanius)
regarding Marcion’s visit to Rome, we may conclude that the apostolic fathers
were not sure about when and whether or not Marcion came to Rome. Indeed, that Marcion did not come to Rome at
all is a more probable theory. As “Marcion’s Paul” who flourished in Asia Minor
did not (have to) go up to Jerusalem for recognition from the Jerusalem
Council, so Marcion did not (have to) go to Rome for recognition from the Roman
church. Instead, Marcionism probably
came to Rome circa 140, but it was condemned as “heresy” a few years later.
However, Marcionism flourished under the episcopate of Anicetus (158-169)
according to Irenaeus, and also under the episcopate of Eleutherus (177-191)
according to Tertullian.
Marcion’s understanding of revelation
differed from that of his Gnostic contemporaries, using the theology of Paul as
a frame of reference. Marcion’s use of
Paul, according to Hoffmann, was essentially conservative in the strict sense
of that term: “1) he did not carry the
thought of the apostle to the metaphysical extremes of the Alexandrians, and in
some cases, 2) he seems to have refused Gnostic interpretations of Paul’s
thought, even at the cost of conserving its ambiguity.”[13] Yet, in stressing the originality of
Marcion’s approach to Paul, one cannot assume that he was not familiar with, or
influenced by, the Gnostic exegesis of Paul and the gospels.[14]
J. Knox, examining Marcion’s role in the
formation of the New Testament, states that Marcion’s canon perhaps corresponds
to the Law and the Prophets of the Hebrew canon.[15] Marcion’s “Gospel” was probably a primitive
form of the Gospel of Luke, and the “Apostle” consisted of ten letters that
were attributed to Paul, excluding the Pastorals.[16] Knox asserts that Marcion’s canon provided
the structural principle and became the organizing idea of the Catholic New
Testament. Could the Catholic Canon have
ever emerged without Marcion’s canon?
The Catholic Canon eventually might have formed, but it should have been
quite different from the current one in its contents. The Pauline epistles
might not have been included at all.
H. Detering identifies Paul with Simon
and rejects the authenticity of all the Pauline epistles. He suggests that Marcion’s true apostle Paul
was no other than Simon Magus. He claims
that by the middle of the second century there was no historical Paul but only
the “legends of Paul.” Marcion (or
Marcionites), the faithful spiritual disciple of Simon, then, wrote the Pauline
letters, thinking Simon his spiritual (grand-)father in mind (also partly
thinking his own missionary journey
throughout Asia Minor in mind). Detering’s assertion that Marcion’s Paul in his Pauline letters is Simon
is obviously different from the Tübingen scholars’ view of Simon in the
Pseudo-Clementine literature as a caricature of Paul. He states: “Accordingly, Simon meets us in the
Marcionite-Gnostic literature as Paul, while in extreme Jewish-Christian
circles Paul is represented as Simon, or even as the Antichrist or ‘hostile
man’.”[17] His thesis is fancy and attractive, but not
persuasive in its logic. He does not follow most of the church fathers’
testimonies, but for his thesis purpose he should adopt their “intentional”
testimony that Marcion was a successor of Cerdo, who then was the disciple of
Simon. That is, he needs Cerdo to make
Marcion a faithful disciple of Simon.
Furthermore, to justify Marcion’s authorship of Galatians, he makes Marcion’s
visit to Rome and excommunication by the Roman church historical facts.[18]
III.
METHODOLOGY
In the first part of this study
historical criticism and textual analysis will be employed as the principal
methods of research. My study starts
with the primary sources, i.e., the writings of the heresiologists such as
Justin, Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Hippolytus in the second and the third
centuries and the Pseudo-Clementine literature. In my analysis, I will compare
and contrast the testimonies of those witnesses and find consistencies and
inconsistencies of their records. In so
doing, I will try to determine why there might be inconsistencies among them.
In the second part of this project, I
will probe the contemporary studies related to these issues. I will critically review the previous studies
conducted on Simon Magus and Marcion to determine their strengths and
weaknesses. I will then attempt to
answer underlying issues and questions about the relationship among Paul, Simon
Magus, and Marcion, and their influences on the early Christian movement in the
first two centuries.
IV.
SIGNIFICANCE
Why does further study on Simon Magus
and Marcion who were judged as “heretics” long time ago still need to be
undertaken? Since the discovery of the
Gnostic Scriptures in Nag Hammadi in 1945, more resources on early Christianity
are now available. However, only limited
studies on Simon Magus and Marcion have been done in the 1980s and 1990s. With more available resources my study will
show and reinterpret how the Simonian Gnosticism and Marcionism influenced
Catholicism and what roles they played, competing with Catholicism, in the
second century Christian movement and canonization of the New Testament.
This study will demonstrate that Paul
was not an apostle of the “orthodox” church from the beginning of the Christian
movement. Rather, he was the only
apostle for the “heretics.” If during
his life time Paul had been well known and well accepted as an apostle among
the churches in Rome, Greece (Macedonia and Acaia), and Asia Minor, why was his
name mentioned only rarely until the late second century?
Why did Paul who was so active in the
50s and 60s disappear from the scene and then all of a sudden reemerge as a
person who endorsed a controversial issue in the second half of the second
century? This study is to explain the
gap between the first century Christianity and the second century
Christianity. My study will probe W.
Bauer’s thesis which asserts that there was an enormous diversity of beliefs
among “orthodox” and “heretical” churches and among Christians in early
Christianity. The beliefs of no
particular group had attained real preeminence, and, as a matter of fact,
“heresy preceded orthodoxy.”
Who were really Paul, Simon Magus, and
Marcion? Who was a “historical” figure
and who was a “mythical” or “legendary” figure?
What relationships did they have? Why did the heresiologists try to relate them altogether or in
pair(s)? My study will contribute
further understanding of Paul the apostle and the New Testament epistles that
are attributed to his name.
[1]See R. M. Grant, Gnosticism and Early Christianity
(p. 88) and S. Pétrement, A Separate God (p. 235).
[2]Irenaeus, AH 1.23.3.
[3]In Justin’s 1 Apol 26 the names Simon,
Menander, and Marcion are listed in that order; in Irenaeus’ AH
1.23-27 Simon, Menander, Saturninus, Basilides, Carpocrates, Cerinthus,
Ebionites, Nicolaitans, Cerdo, and Marcion are listed in sequence.
[4]Irenaeus, AH 3.4.3.
[5]E. Haenchen, “Gab es eine vorchristliche Gnosis?,”
ZThK 49 (1952), pp. 316-349.
[6]G. Lüdemann, “The Acts of the Apostles and the
Beginnings of Simonian Gnosis,” NTS (1987), p. 425.
[7]G. Filoramo, A History of Gnosticism, 1990, p.
148.
[8]K. Beyschlag, Simon Magus und die Christliche
Gnosis, 1974, p. 70.
[9]R. M. Grant, Gnosticism and Early Christianity,
1959, pp. 88-89.
[10]R. M. Grant, Heresy and Criticism, 1993, p. 6.
[11]R. Eisenman, James the Brother of Jesus, pp.
534, 543.
[12]R. J. Hoffmann, “How Then Know This Troublous Teacher?
Further Reflections on Marcion and His Church,” The Second Century,”
Fall 1987-88, 184. See also his Marcion. G. May, in favor of Harnack,
harshly criticizes Hoffmann’s early dating: “Hoffmann has him (=Marcion) being
born fifteen years earlier (Harnack’s dating: 85 C.E.) and has him beginning
his activity two or three decades earlier than Harnack (Harnack’s dating of
Marcion’s activity beginning: around 140 C.E.). ... It is full of
improbabilities and methodological errors; I consider it a failure.” (May,
“Marcion in Contemporary Views,” The Second Century, Fall 1987-88,
131.
[14]Ibid., p. 183.
[15]J. Knox, Marcion and the New Testament, 1942,
p. 2.
[16]See D. S. Williams, “Reconsidering Marcion’s Gospel,” JBL
108/3 (1989), p. 480.
[17]H. Detering, The Falsified Paul. Early Christianity
in the Twilight, 1999, p. 174 (D. Doughty,
p. 126).
[18]Ibid., p. 153 (D. Doughty, p. 109).
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